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Immigration News
May 9, 2012
On May 7, 2012, the U.S. district court in the Northern District of California issued a final judgment and permanent injunction ordering USCIS to respond to requests for A files under the Freedom of Information Act within the statutory 20 day time limit and to determine FOIA appeals within the 20 day time limit required under the law. The injunction takes effect immediately. The court also ordered USCIS to follow, implement, and execute the terms of the 1992 Mayock Settlement Agreement, which provides that a requestor (separate and apart from Track 3 processing) is entitled to expedited processing upon a showing of "exceptional need or urgency." This is demonstrated by showing that "substantial due process rights of the requestor would be impaired by the failure to process immediately, and the information is not otherwise available."
Previously, on October 13, 2011, the court found that USCIS engaged in a long-time pattern and practice of violating the FOIA time limit provisions that prejudiced attorneys' abilities to fairly represent their clients in immigration matters. (AILA Doc. No. 11101431).
The FOIA litigation arose out of a naturalization application that was denied based on the allegation that Plaintiff gave false testimony with the intent to obtain an immigration benefit, and thus lacked good moral character. Evidence of the false testimony was allegedly contained in the government's A file. USCIS delayed Plaintiff's FOIA request to obtain the evidence, and then ultimately refused to disclose it.
The U.S. District Court for the Northern District of California ruled on March 21, 2012, that Plaintiff was eligible for naturalization. The court found that the Plaintiff did not provide false testimony on either his I-485 or N-400 applications, noting that, in the instances where Plaintiff's responses were deficient, he provided reasonable, credible explanations for the omissions. It also found that the Plaintiff consistently volunteered information to USCIS to enable it to make its decision. As a result, the court held that the plaintiff was a person of good moral character during the relevant three-year period, and was eligible for naturalization.
The Department of State provided the following information regarding the recent priority date movement for China-mainland born and India EB-2 categories, as well as information on projections for visa availability in the EB-1 and EB-2 preference categories. The following information will be included in the June 2012 Visa Bulletin, which should be posted soon.
D. CHINA-MAINLAND AND INDIA EMPLOYMENT SECOND PREFERENCE CATEGORY IS_UNAVAILABLE
Despite the retrogression of the China and India Employment Second preference cut-off date to August 15, 2007, demand for numbers by applicants with priority dates earlier than that date remained excessive. Such demand is primarily based on cases which had originally been filed with the U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) for adjustment of status in the Employment Third preference category, and are now eligible to be upgraded to Employment Second preference status. The potential amount of such "upgrade" demand is not currently being reported, but it was evident that the continued availability of Employment Second preference numbers for countries other than China and India was being jeopardized. Therefore, it was necessary to make the China and India Employment Second preference category "Unavailable" in early April, and it will remain so for the remainder of FY-2012.
Numbers will once again be available for China and India Employment Second preference cases beginning October 1, 2012 under the FY-2013 annual numerical limitations. Every effort will be made to return the China and India Employment Second preference cut-off date to the May 1, 2010 date which had been reached in April 2012. Readers should be advised that it is impossible to accurately estimate how long that may take, but current indications are that it would definitely not occur before spring 2013.
USCIS has indicated that it will continue accepting China and India Employment Second preference I-485 filings during May, based on the originally announced May cut-off date.
E. EMPLOYMENT FIRST AND SECOND PREFERENCE VISA AVAILABILITY
Item F of the May Visa Bulletin (number 44) provided projections regarding visa availability in the coming months. Information received from the USCIS after the publication of that item requires an update in the projections for the Employment First and Second preference categories.
Employment First: Based on the current rate of demand, it may be necessary to establish a cut-off date at the end of the fiscal year in an effort to limit number use within the annual numerical limit.
Employment Second: Based on the current rate of demand, it may be necessary to establish a cut-off date for this category for all countries other than China and India. Such action may be required at any time during the next few months.
Please be advised that the above are only estimates for what could happen during the next few months based on applicant demand patterns experienced in recent months.
April 23, 2012
The National Journal reported that a federal initiative that asked immigration authorities to focus their attention on immigrants convicted of crimes has resulted in the closure of more than 2,500 immigration cases nationwide between August and the end of March, according to a recent analysis of federal records.
Last August, the White House asked the Department of Homeland Security and the Department of Justice to prioritize which immigration cases to prosecute, focusing on people who had been convicted of a crime, rather than going forward with deportation proceedings against those living in the country illegally but posing little threat to public or national safety, like illegal immigrants brought to the country as children and the spouses of active military personnel.
On Friday, the Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse at Syracuse University released a report showing that of the 2,609 cases closed, some 650 were terminated by a judge. In these cases, Immigration and Customs Enforcement agreed, via an exercise of prosecutorial discretion, that the government did not have valid grounds to deport the individual.
The remaining three quarters, 1,959 cases, were administratively closed by a judge. These administrative closures effectively placed the cases on hold without a final resolution, allowing individuals to stay in the country at least temporarily, according to TRAC.
The immigration court in Baltimore closed the most cases -- 230 since August. Courts in Los Angeles and New York City followed, closing 218 and 207 cases respectively.
Among courts with a significant backlog of cases, the immigration court in Detroit closed the greatest share of cases under the initiative. Nearly 6 percent of the 2,815 backlogged cases were closed, the report said. The immigration court in Portland, Ore., followed, closing nearly 5 percent of its backlog of 2,151 cases by the end of March.
Fox News Latino reported that a number of groups hope to add thousands of new U.S. citizens to the voter rolls in several key states ahead of November's presidential election.
The national push comes after Democratic President Barack Obama has failed to deliver on promised immigration reforms in his first years in office and his likely opponent, Mitt Romney, adopted harsh rhetoric on illegal immigration to win support from conservatives while campaigning for the GOP nomination.
The Department of Homeland Security says an estimated 12.6 million people were holding so-called green cards given to legal permanent U.S. residents in 2010, including 8.1 million people who already qualify for naturalization but have not applied for citizenship. Latinos, considered a Democratic-leaning constituency, account for the largest immigrant community.
Immigrants and other minority voters helped Obama to a comfortable win over Republican John McCain in the 2008 presidential election.
"The fastest growing segment of the American electorate is the Latino vote, and within Latinos, we are seeing very rapid growth of immigrant voters," said Matt Barreto, a political science professor at the University of Washington. "In the 2012 election there is no doubt that the immigrant community will be incredibly relevant."
The "Become a Citizen Now!" campaign began in March, hoping to help 5,000 immigrants complete the daunting application process to become citizens and register to vote. It is targeting foreign-born residents who have been in the country long enough to qualify for naturalization in Massachusetts, New York, California, Florida, Maryland, Oregon, Colorado, Washington, Tennessee, Illinois, Wisconsin and New Hampshire. Nearly 500 citizenship applications have been completed so far.
Yenith Berrio, a 40-year-old Colombian citizen who has spent half of her life living in the United States, is preparing for her naturalization test and looks forward to becoming a U.S. citizen and registered voter.
The Boston resident said the right to vote allows her to participate in a process that affects her and her family. She said the U.S. is a better place for her and her children who "are happier right here and could get much better education here."
It typically takes just over five months to acquire citizenship.
"Those immigrants that apply for their citizenship before the end of April are likely to be able to vote in this election in November," said Josh Hoyt, a co-chair of the National Partnership for New Americans.
A separate push by the National Council of La Raza, a Hispanic civil rights and advocacy organization, seeks to register 180,000 Latinos to vote nationwide. Organizers say the initiative already has registered more than 10,000 voters. The group is conducting the campaign in Florida, Nevada, Colorado, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, California, Texas, North Carolina and online.
When immigrants register, they generally show up to vote. More than 89 percent of registered foreign-born Americans cast ballots in 2008, according to the Pew Hispanic Center.
And their share among voters is growing. Among all voters who cast ballots in the 1996 presidential election, 4.1 percent were foreign-born, according to Pew. Eight years later in 2008, the percentage rose to 6.3.
While Immigrants have historically supported candidates in both major political parties, there's been a recent shift towards Democrats, said Manuel Pastor, director of the Center for the Study of Immigrant Integration at the University of Southern California.
"There has been sort of a noticeable spin in the last couple of elections toward the Democratic party — but it seems mostly because of the way most of the Republican Party has moved right on immigration and the impact that has on the perception of new immigrant voters." Pastor said.
Romney has staked out a tough stance on immigration. He favors a U.S.-Mexico border fence, opposes education benefits to illegal immigrants and says he would veto the Dream Act, which would allow some illegal immigrant youths to earn permanent residency and eventually citizenship if they attend college or serve in the military.
Obama had promised during his 2008 campaign to press for a comprehensive immigration policy overhaul that would include providing a path to legalization for millions of illegal immigrants. Yet, more than three years into his term, he has failed to deliver, blaming fiercely divided congressional Republicans who he says are unwilling to work on the issue.
Reuters reported that a clash over immigration law will go before the U.S. Supreme Court this week, pitting the state of Arizona against President Barack Obama in a case with election-year political ramifications for him and Republican rival Mitt Romney. In its second-biggest case this term, the court - fresh from hearing the Obama healthcare overhaul case - will consider on Wednesday whether a tough Arizona immigration crackdown strayed too far into the federal government's powers. A pro-Arizona decision would be a legal and political setback for Obama, who has criticized the state's law and vowed to push for immigration legislation if re-elected on November 6.
A decision against Arizona would deal a blow to Romney, who has said the government should drop its challenge to the law.
Americans generally support immigration laws like Arizona's and are ambivalent about the federal and state roles at the core of the case, a new Reuters/Ipsos opinion poll found.
About 70 percent of those surveyed favored state laws that let police check a person's immigration status and make it a crime for an illegal immigrant to work in the United States; about 30 percent opposed such measures.
On the question of who has responsibility for immigration laws, the core of the Supreme Court case, 59 percent said immigration was a national issue and laws relating to it should only be made by the federal government; 55 percent said individual states had the right to make such laws, too.
The oral arguments on this essential point set the stage for a rematch of the attorneys in last month's healthcare battle.
Paul Clement, a solicitor general during Republican George W. Bush's presidency, will represent Arizona.
Donald Verrilli, a former White House lawyer and solicitor general under Obama, will represent the federal government after what some deemed a lackluster performance in March.
PARTISAN DIVIDE
The case "pits a politically conservative state against a Democratic administration ... just six months before the presidential-year elections," said Steven Schwinn, a John Marshall Law School professor.
Like the healthcare case, the immigration case splits along party lines. Some Republican-led states and Romney supported Arizona's effort to push out illegal immigrants, while some Democratic-led states backed the federal government and Obama.
Legal and political experts said the Supreme Court's rulings, expected by June on immigration and healthcare - two hot-button issues - will weigh heavily on the elections.
The online Reuters/Ipsos poll of 960 Americans, conducted April 9-12, found respondents almost evenly split on whether Obama or Romney has a better immigration approach.
The fast-growing Hispanic population, now equal to 16 percent of all Americans, will be a key force in the election. In the past, Hispanics backed Obama and have been skeptical of Romney, who has acknowledged that he needs their support.
Regardless of how the court rules, if Romney continues to back the Arizona law and others like it, "he will find it difficult to win Latino supporters," said Karthick Ramakrishnan, an immigration policy expert and associate professor of political science at the University of California, Riverside.
FEDERAL VS STATE
At issue in the case is whether federal immigration law pre-empted and thus barred the Arizona law's four key provisions.
The Arizona law requires police to check the immigration status of anyone detained and suspected of being in the country illegally. Other parts of the law require immigrants to carry their papers at all times; ban illegal immigrants from soliciting for work in public places; and allow police to arrest immigrants without a warrant if an officer believes they have committed a crime that would make them deportable.
A federal judge and a U.S. appeals court earlier ruled for the Obama administration and blocked all four parts of the Arizona law from taking effect.
Clement will argue that the Arizona law was designed to cooperate with federal immigration efforts and that it did not conflict with federal policy or law.
"This is another federalism case. This is not all about immigration. It's really about the relationship between the federal government and the state government. It's the norm that you have state officials enforcing federal law," he said in an interview with Reuters.
Clement said the burden was on the government to show why immigration law specifically prevented states from the usual participation in enforcement of federal policy.
There are an estimated 11.5 million illegal immigrants in the United States, a number that has remained steady over the last several years.
SENSITIVE IMMIGRATION JUDGMENTS
For his part, Verrilli has a standard policy of not commenting arguments he will make before the Supreme Court.
In written briefs filed with the court, Verrilli said that Congress gave the federal government alone the authority to make sensitive immigration judgments, balancing national security, law enforcement, foreign policy and humanitarian factors, along with the rights of law-abiding citizens and immigrants.
"Arizona seeks to impose its own judgment on those sensitive subjects," Verrilli said. "For each state and each locality to set its own immigration policy in that fashion would wholly subvert Congress's goal: a single national approach."
Five other states - Alabama, Georgia, Indiana, South Carolina and Utah - have followed Arizona's lead and adopted similar laws, parts of which could be affected by the Supreme Court's ruling. In some of those states, legal immigrants have faced run-ins with local law enforcement.
Legal experts said the Supreme Court could uphold all four provisions; rule that all four were pre-empted; or issue a mixed ruling, allowing some provisions to stand, but not others.
"If the court upholds the Arizona statute, then that will really be a significant change in that area of the law," said Douglas Hallward-Driemeier, who leads the appellate and Supreme Court practice at the law firm Ropes & Gray.
"There are a number of precedents going back many decades that immigration regulation is a matter of foreign affairs reserved to the federal government," he said.
The Supreme Court last year upheld a different Arizona law that penalizes businesses for hiring illegal immigrants. But that case involved a different pre-emption issue.
KAGAN RECUSED
The case this week will be heard by eight of the nine Supreme Court members. Justice Elena Kagan has recused herself, apparently because she worked on the case in her previous job as Obama's solicitor general. In the event the court is evenly divided on the case, the appeals court ruling for the federal government would be affirmed.
The partisan battle was underscored by the outside briefs filed by the states and lawmakers. Two U.S. senators and 57 members of the House of Representatives, all Republicans, backed Arizona, while 68 Democratic members of Congress supported the position of their president.
Seventeen foreign countries, including Mexico and others in Central and South America, backed the U.S. government. Clement said the appeals court was wrong to allow foreign criticism of the law to influence its ruling.
No matter the Supreme Court ruling, it may not be the final word. Depending on the decision, Congress could rewrite federal law to allow more state regulation or clearly pre-empt it.
If the court rules for Arizona, Cecilia Wang of the American Civil Liberties Union vowed to press ahead with claims saying that the law violated constitutional rights and was based on illegal racial profiling. "Lawful U.S. citizens will be caught up in the dragnet," she predicted.
If the court rules against Arizona, supporters of tougher state laws could try to craft new measures.
The Supreme Court case is Arizona v. United States, No. 11-182.
The precision of Reuters/Ipsos online polls is measured using a credibility interval. In this case, the poll had a credibility interval of plus or minus 3.7 percentage points for all respondents
February 28, 2012
The New American reported that President Obama’s efforts to tighten the leash on U.S. immigration enforcement have caused a sharp drop in the number of deportations, according to a report by the Syracuse University Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse. In the last three months of 2011, following the administration’s directive to curb deportations of illegal immigrants without criminal records or who came to the United States as a child or student (among other discretionary factors), deportations have plummeted.
The number of deportation proceedings instituted from October to December 2011 by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) plunged to 39,331, a 33-percent decline from the 58,639 filings documented the previous quarter. "Filings are typically lower at this time of year, but even adjusting for this seasonal drop-off and for late reporting," the report noted, "there appear to have been over 10,000 fewer deportation filings than would have been expected last quarter."
The chief priority of the administration’s June 17, 2011 directive was to restrict most deportations to those immigrants with criminal records. "It makes no sense to spend our enforcement resources on these low-priority cases when they could be used with more impact on others, including individuals who have been convicted of serious crimes," Cecilia Muñoz, Director of Intergovernmental Affairs, wrote last August in a White House blog post. "This means more immigration enforcement pressure where it counts the most, and less where it doesn’t," she added. "That’s the smartest way to follow the law while we stay focused on working with the Congress to fix it."
However, according to Syracuse University researchers, there is "little evidence" that immigrants with criminal records are representing a higher ratio of overall deportations. In fact, during the purported timeframe, only 1,300, or 3.3 percent, were to be deported as alleged "aggravated felons." Conversely, from July to September 2011, 3.8 percent were alleged "aggravated felons," while six months ago the proportion was 4 percent. The researchers added:
An additional 4,193 were charged by ICE for other alleged criminal activity last quarter. When considered together with alleged "aggravated felons," the proportion of filings in the last quarter seeking deportation on grounds of any alleged criminal activity was still less than one out of seven (14%). And even this small slice is continuing to decline. Two years ago, slightly more than one of six (17.3 percent) were alleged to have engaged in criminal activity as the grounds ICE cited for seeking removal.
"People have heard about these policy changes but largely haven’t seen any difference," asserted Frank Sharry, executive director of immigration advocacy group America’s Voice.
Many critics have alleged that President Obama’s June 2011 directive was largely political, particularly considering deportations have reached record levels, averaging 400,000 per year, under the current administration. Astoundingly, that’s double the annual average during President Bush’s first term and 30 percent higher than the average when Bush left office. Due to those record numbers, along with Obama’s failure to implement so-called "comprehensive immigration reform," there has been an ignition of criticism among the Hispanic community — a growing portion of the Democratic voter base.
"Latino immigrant voters know that the Alabama and Arizona laws didn’t come about from Democrats. They’re aware the Obama administration is fighting those laws. They know that Republicans blocked the DREAM Act. They know that Mitt Romney is talking about massive self-deportation," Sharry said. "And they’re angry and disappointed that the Obama administration promised a legislative breakthrough, didn’t deliver it, but has delivered on record deportations."
In response, the President has embarked on a political campaign to recover previous support from this pivotal sector of the American electorate.
"What we’ve been able to do is, administratively, we’ve said — let’s reemphasize our focus when it comes to enforcement on criminals and at the borders, and let’s not be focusing our attention on hard-working families who are just trying to make ends meet," Obama said in an interview last week. "We’ve administratively proposed to reform the ‘three and 10" program so that families aren’t separated when they’re applying to stay here in this country."
In emphasizing his newly coined "five more years" campaign slogan, the President assured a Hispanic audience that he would use his second term to push immigration reform. "My presidency is not over," Obama indicated, responding to a question about his failure to actualize an immigration bill. "I’ve got another five years coming up. We’re going to get this done."
Moreover, the President rejected the notion that he broke a campaign promise, while passing the blame to Republicans who were unwilling to embrace any "sensible solutions" on the issue. "So far, we haven’t seen any of the Republican candidates even support immigration reform," Obama charged, targeting his potential opponents in the upcoming presidential contest.
Political analysts and commentators have predicted that the Hispanic vote will be critical for Obama’s reelection bid, as the minority’s rising population has become an increasingly chief component of the American electorate. While many Hispanics who supported Obama in 2008 may refrain from voting Republican, their disappointment over Obama’s immigration efforts may deter them from even voting at all come November 6.
Considering the persistently stale economy — which has led to a sharp drop in Obama’s approval ratings — the President will rely heavily on minority voting groups, observers predict. As the Los Angeles Times reported last October, the President has commenced an "all-out push to rebuild his popularity" with Hispanics, which has been "diminished by the weak economy and a lack of progress toward revamping the nation’s immigration system."
"The excitement isn't there like it was," asserted Ana Canales, a volunteer and the county chairwoman for the Democratic Party of Bernalillo County in New Mexico, where the Obama campaign has accelerated efforts to recruit Hispanic voters. "There are a lot of people who are saying, 'We're not going to vote.' We have a lot of work on our hands … to make sure those Latinos understand that he [Obama] is working for us." http://www.thenewamerican.com/usnews/immigration/10999-deportations-plummet-under-obamas-new-immigration-policy
February 27, 2012
The USA Today reported that President Obama predicted re-election in an interview this week with Univision Radio, telling a largely Hispanic audience he will use a second term to push comprehensive immigration overhaul.
"My presidency is not over," Obama said when asked about the failure to come up with an immigration bill. "I've got another five years coming up. We're going to get this done."
Obama rejected suggestions that the lack of an immigration bill is a broken campaign promise, saying "we're going to need help from Congress" and Republicans have blocked legislation.
The re-election candidate said his Republican candidates oppose comprehensive immigration overhaul, which involves tighter border enforcement as well as a pathway to citizenship for illegal immigrants who are already here.
Obama also made what appeared to be a reference to Republican candidate Mitt Romney, who opposes legislation that would offer potential citizenship to illegal immigrants who attend college or join the military.
"So far, have we haven't seen any of the Republican candidates even support immigration reform," Obama said. "In fact, their leading candidate said he would veto even the Dream Act, much less comprehensive immigration reform."
Obama taped the Univision interview a day before traveling to Florida, where the growing Hispanic vote is considered essential. Some observers see the national Hispanic vote as the key to the entire election.
When it comes to immigration, Hispanics should also examine who they support for House and Senate seats, Obama said.
The president also said, "I would have only broken my promise if I hadn't tried" to get an immigration reform bill.
"But, ultimately, I'm one man," he said. "You know, we live in a democracy. We don't live in a monarchy. I'm not the king. I'm the president. And so, I can only implement those laws that are passed through Congress." http://content.usatoday.com/communities/theoval/post/2012/02/obama-ive-got-five-years-to-do-immigration-reform/1?csp=34news#.T0a_jYcgef4
February 16, 2012
Bloomberg.com reported tht Alabama’s harsh immigration law has stirred controversy since it went into effect in September. The statute, which among other things requires police to question people they suspect of being in the U.S. illegally, has prompted thousands of immigrants to flee the state. The law’s backers believed out-of-work Alabamians would snap up the jobs those immigrants once held.
It hasn’t turned out that way. A new study details the economic impact of harsh immigration laws such as those passed by Alabama and five other states. Published by the Center for Business & Economic Research at the University of Alabama, it’s the first economic cost-benefit analysis of the state’s immigration statute. Dr. Samuel Addy, an economist and director of the Center, found that the law, known as HB 56, will annually shrink Alabama’s economy by at least $2.3 billion and will cost the state not less than 70,000 jobs .
Most of the damage will come from reduced demand for goods and services provided by Alabama businesses patronized by immigrants. Addy projects that 40,000 to 80,000 immigrants will vacate their jobs. (It’s not possible to know exactly how many will leave; his calculation is derived, he says, from a combination of state labor-force data and data from the Pew Center on the States.) Those positions support other jobs, leading to a net employment loss of 70,000 to 140,000. As a result, Addy estimates, the state’s gross domestic product will decline by $2.3 billion to $10.8 billion for every year the law is in effect and will cost $56.7 million to $264.5 million in tax revenue.
“The economy can still grow, but it will be on a lower growth path than would have been the case without the law,” Addy concludes.
Many Alabamans have rejected hard, dirty, low-paying jobs that immigrants once performed: picking tomatoes, working in chicken plants, and gutting catfish. Now employers struggle to fill those positions. Despite the state’s 8.1 percent jobless rate, the four job categories that once hired most of the state’s immigrants—agriculture, construction, food service, and hospitality—employ fewer people than they did before the law went into effect. www.businessweek.com/top-news/alabamas-immigration-law-could-cost-billions-annually-02142012.html
February 14, 2012
Forbes.com reported that analysis of new data obtained from U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) reveals the agency has dramatically increased denials of L-1 and H-1B petitions over the past four years, harming the competitiveness of U.S. employers and encouraging companies to keep more jobs and resources outside the United States. (Find the National Foundation for American Policy report here.) Data indicate much of the increase in denials involves Indian-born professionals and researchers.
U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services adjudicators have demonstrated a great capacity to keep skilled foreign nationals out of the United States by significantly increasing denials, along with often time-consuming Requests for Evidence (RFE), despite no change in the law or relevant regulations between 2008 and 2011. Attorneys provide numerous examples of superfluous Requests for Evidence. Employers say delaying applications for months effectively kills applications for people working on time-sensitive projects.
L-1B petitions are used to transfer employees already working abroad for the company with “specialized knowledge” into the United States, while employers use H-1B petitions so that international students or skilled foreign nationals from abroad can work in the United States.
Since obtaining a green card (for permanent residence) can take years or potentially decades, denying applications for L-1 or H-1B temporary status, in effect, prevents highly skilled foreign nationals from working in the United States. Some say that creates more opportunities for Americans but that wrongly assumes the number of jobs in America is fixed, that skilled foreign nationals don’t create complementary jobs and that companies will not transfer more work out of the country if prohibited from hiring or transferring in the people they need for projects, servicing customers or product development.
The evidence indicates adjudicators or others at U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services changed the standard for approving L-1B and other petitions in recent years, beginning in FY 2008 and FY 2009.
If one considers that in FY 2011 63 percent of all L-1B petitions received a Request for Evidence and 27 percent were issued a denial, that means U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services adjudicators denied or delayed between 63 percent to 90 percent of all L-1B petitions in 2011. In comparison, in FY 2004, only 2 percent of L-1B petitions for employees with specialized knowledge involved a Request for Evidence.
The high denial rates belie the notion adjudications have become more lenient. Employers report the time lost due to the increase in denials and Requests for Evidence are costing them millions of dollars in project delays and contract penalties, while aiding competitors that operate exclusively outside the United States.
Given the resources involved, employers are selective about who they sponsor. The high rate of denials (and Requests for Evidence) is from a pool of applicants selected by employers because they believe the foreign nationals meet the standard for approval. In short, the United States is being deprived of talented people who help create jobs and innovations, particularly when able to work alongside their American counterparts.
Country specific data on new (initial) L-1B petitions indicate U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services is more likely to deny a petition from an Indian-born professional than nationals of other countries. The denial rate for Indian-born applicants for new L-1B petitions rose from 2.8 percent in Fiscal Year 2008 to 22.5 percent in FY 2009. In comparison, the denial rate for new L-1B petitions for Canadians rose from 2.0 percent in FY 2008 to only 2.9 percent in FY 2009.
Overall, denial rates for H-1B petitions increased from 11 percent in FY 2007 to 29 percent in FY 2009. For H-1B petitions, the Request for Evidence rate rose from 4 percent in FY 2004, to a high of 35 percent in FY 2009, according to USCIS.
The dramatic increase in denial rates and Requests for Evidence for employment petitions without any change in the law or regulations raises questions about the training, supervision and procedures of the career bureaucracy that adjudicates petitions. It also raises questions about the U.S. government’s commitment to maintaining a stable business climate for companies competing in the global economy.
http://www.forbes.com/sites/stuartanderson/2012/02/12/new-research-finds-soaring-denial-rates-for-high-skill-professionals/
The American Immigration Council reported that the Winter 2012 issue of the Cato Journal is devoted to answering a single question: “Is Immigration Good for America?” In 13 articles, 16 scholars answer with a resounding “Yes!” The consensus is that immigrants provide a net benefit to the U.S. economy and to U.S. workers. There is also a consensus among the authors that the current immigration system with its patchwork of arbitrary numerical caps, needlessly squanders the full economic potential of immigration. The authors call for a thorough revamping of the immigration system to make it more responsive to labor demand, to attract highly skilled professionals and entrepreneurs, and to offer a pathway to legal status for the unauthorized population.
Here are highlights from the issue:
Daniel T. Griswold former Director of the Herbert A. Stiefel Center for Trade Policy Studies at the Cato Institute, concludes that “basic economic analysis and numerous empirical studies have confirmed that immigrants boost the productive capacity of the United States through their labor, their human capital, and their entrepreneurial spirit. Instead of competing head-to-head with American workers, immigrants typically complement native-born workers by filling niches in the labor market.”
Joel Kotkin Distinguished Presidential Fellow at Chapman University, and Erika Ozuna, Research Fellow at Pepperdine University, say that “the United States should make efforts to keep entrepreneurs and all kinds of skilled workers, whom the country will need, particularly as the Baby Boom generation retires.” The authors warn that “if attitudes harden against immigration, America will sacrifice much of its demographic and cultural uniqueness. We would also suffer the loss of a major source of entrepreneurial growth and innovation.”
Stuart Anderson Executive Director of the National Foundation for American Policy, points out that “fixing problems with the U.S. legal immigration system does not involve raising or reducing federal spending, or designing elaborate new agencies or policies. In general, much can be accomplished by simply raising the quotas for temporary visas for both low- and high-skilled workers and increasing the number of green cards available for family and employer-sponsored immigrants.”
Pia M. Orrenius Senior Economist at the Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas, and Madeline Zavodny, Professor of Economics at Agnes Scott College, argue that “it seems virtually inevitable that the United States will conduct a legalization program at some point given the size of the undocumented population.” However, research on the failings of the 1986 legalization demonstrates the “importance of enacting a legalization program only in the context of comprehensive immigration reform designed to reduce future unauthorized inflows as much as possible.”
Raul Hinojosa-Ojeda, Founding Director of the North American Integration and Development Center at the University of California, Los Angeles, describes how “legalizing currently unauthorized immigrants and creating flexible legal limits on future immigration in the context of full labor rights would raise wages, increase consumption, create jobs, and generate additional tax revenue—particularly in those sectors of the U.S. economy now characterized by the lowest wages.”
In sum, the contributors to this issue of the Cato Journal make a compelling case for the creation of a rational immigration system that offers the greatest benefit to both immigrant and native-born workers, and which adds the greatest value to the U.S. economy. As the authors emphasize, this would be a welcome change from the current dysfunctional system, which has facilitated the growth of an unauthorized population now numbering 11 million. While the federal government may be unwilling to tackle immigration reform, the status quo is clearly unacceptable—and unsustainable.
http://immigrationimpact.com/2012/02/08/cato-institute-analyzes-the-benefits-of-immigration-for-the-united-states-2/
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